Essay · Other
Personality vs policy
How much of the last campaign was the man, and how much was the memo.
🇺🇸Tom Brennan· IBEW Local 494, Milwaukee · August 18, 2026 · 6 min
I pull wire in buildings that will outlast the argument, which is a comfort on days when the argument is the whole internet. I did not vote for Donald Trump in 2024. I also did not experience his win like a death in the family, which made me poor company in certain group chats and better company at the hall, where men who did vote for him still needed a partner on a lift and I still needed a partner who wouldn't drop a conduit on my head because of a tweet.
The personality-versus-policy split is the hobby of people with time. On a job, personality is how the foreman runs a morning, and that becomes the policy of the day: whether you eat lunch, whether a young apprentice gets taught or hazed, whether a shortcut gets taken in a panel that will burn in five years. I watched a lot of college-educated friends talk about Trump as if the personality were a stain that made every statute radioactive. I watched a lot of guys in the local talk as if the personality were a show you could mute while the judges did the real work. Both are half-right, which is the most irritating kind of right.
He is not a cartoon villain. Cartoon villains are simpler, and they do not get 70 million people to sign on for the sequel. Some of those people are my cousins in Waukesha who think the country got sneered at. They are not crazy about the sneer. I have heard the sneer. It sounds like a fundraiser in Shorewood that thinks a union card is a costume. If your anti-Trump politics cannot admit the sneer, it will keep losing the room, and then it will call the room stupid, which is how you lose it twice.
He is not a saint, and the saint thing is a tell. When a politician has to be washed into a vessel of God or of the Working Class, capital letters, you are in church, not in a republic. I have sat through both kinds of church. I like the one with worse coffee and fewer flags on the altar. The rally is a church. The resistance happy hour is also a church. I am a Catholic who doesn't go enough, which means I can spot a liturgy. I did not want either liturgy running the NLRB.
What the 2024 aftermath exposed, in my city, was a class of people who had used personality as a substitute for a program. If he is Hitler, you don't have to say what you want to do about housing on 27th Street. If he is a messiah, you don't have to say what you want to do when the shop steward is wrong. Milwaukee still has lead pipes and a homicide number and a school fight that isn't on cable. Those are policies. They were waiting under the personality like a subpanel behind drywall.
Did his judges matter. Yes. I can say that without a donation. The labor board mattered. Tariffs mattered to some of our contractors and not to others, depending on whether you buy steel or sell hours. The immigration stuff mattered on sites where the argument is a whisper because nobody wants ICE at the gate and nobody wants to be the fool who pretends the whisper isn't there. I want a legal crew. I also want a path that isn't a fairy tale. That sentence used to be allowed. Now it is a betrayal of whoever is listening.
The other side — his side — has a real point about institutions that got smug. Journalism, universities, HR departments, the public health voice that talked to us like we were children during COVID while the rules flexed for the right dinners. Smug is a tax. People voted to stop paying it. I wished they had picked a less chaotic refund. I did not get my wish. Adults don't always.
My wish, if anyone is still collecting them, was a boring competence: apprenticeships funded like we mean it, a grid that isn't a museum, a president who could walk a picket without turning it into a merch drop. I got a saga. Sagas are entertaining. I don't want to be entertained at 6:30 a.m. in a scissor lift.
After the election I went to a funeral for a journeyman who died too young, lungs, the usual, and the talk in the parking lot was not fascism. It was overtime and a nephew on pills and whether the Packers could protect a lead. Then a guy said, well, at least he won, and another guy said, yeah, and I thought about how small "at least" is when you are standing by a hearse. Personality recedes. The pipes do not.
I will grant this, and it took me a year to grant it without a fight in my mouth: some of the people who warned about him were warning about a style that really does degrade the job. The lying as weather. The enemy lists. That style leaks into locals, into school boards, into how a kid thinks a disagreement works. I don't want my apprentice learning civics from a roast. The left's version of this is a purity roast, a different app, same dopamine. I am not mixing them up to be cute. I am saying the country has a dopamine problem that we keep dressing as a constitutional crisis.
If he does the job in a way that leaves the hall stronger, I will say so, and some friends will call me a traitor. If he does it in a way that leaves the hall weaker, I will say so, and some other friends will call me a snob. The hall is the test. Not the clip. I wish more of the commentary class had a hall.
Personality was the policy when it came to who got hired into the circus. It wasn't the policy when a rule got written in a building with bad coffee. Both happened. If you only track the circus you will go insane. If you only track the memo you will miss why people set their lives on fire for a man they would not let babysit.
I didn't vote for him. I still have to live in the leftover. The leftover is a country that cannot see a person in two registers at once: dangerous and useful, vulgar and, occasionally, correct about a plant that closed. Two registers. Not a halo. Not horns. A man. The rest is merch, and I am too old to wear merch to a job that will actually kill me if I stop paying attention to the live panel.
Pay attention to the live panel. That is the only advice I have that survived 2024. The rest is noise with better lighting.
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